Friday, January 10th, 1862. On January 10th, 1862, the Regiment held a Ceremony in Boston, Massachusetts where they were presented with three flags. These were the First Irish Regimental AKA “the Pilot’ flag,” the First National Flag, and the First State Color.
The event was accompanied by speeches from the Massachusetts Governor John A Andrew, Boston Mayor Joseph Wightman, and lastly by Col. William Monteith, the first Commanding Officer of the 28th Mass. A number of other local luminaries attended as well.
The ‘Pilot’ Flag was called such in reference to the subsequent sketch of the flag published in the Boston Pilot Newspaper. (The article can be read here.) Further, there is no evidence that the Regiment ever carried the State color.
Saturday, January 11th, 1862. The 28th Mass. marched out of Camp Cameron and made their way via a procession to the Boston Common. The city had prepared a dinner for them on the Common. After the dinner, the Regiment made their way to the railroad and was transported to Allen’s Point, where they boarded steamships to New York.
Sunday, January 12th, 1862. Due to the heavy fog, the steamships spent the night of the 11th at Fort Schuyler, and on Jan. 12, made their way to the Regiment’s destination at Castle Williams on Governor’s Island in New York Harbor. There they would spend the next few weeks.
During these weeks, the members of the Regiment barracked in the 50-year old sandstone Castle Williams felt Winter’s chill. Describing conditions in the stone fortress, the New York Post wrote of the 28th Mass:
“It appears that the men were quartered in Castle William, and half of them, for lack of available room in other portions of the fortress, were assigned to the casemates. The officers say these accommodations are wretchedly damp and filthy. There are no fires in them, and some of the men are frostbitten already.”
Pvt. John Ryan of the 28th noted of their arrival: “We were in this old castle for about two days before we received any rations…A great many of us had the blues.”
Ryan goes on to add that their first food came through charity in the city. He added, “…a society, I understood the Hibernians of New York, sent over several gallons of bean soup and other eatables to the regiment, which was thankfully received by the command.”
Wednesday, January 15th, 1862. The word of the bad conditions spread to the point that Governor Andrew of Massachusetts made a personal visit to the Castle on January 15th to inspect the living conditions of the Regiment.
Monday, February 10th, 1862. On this day, the Regiment submitted its first “monthly return” on Federal Service. The reported strength of the Regiment was as follows: “Field/Staff – 0/0 (Officer/Enlisted); Co A – 3/98; Co B – 3/97; Co C – 3/87; Co D – 3/74; Co E – 3/95; Co F – 3/95; Co G – 3/78; Co H – 3/80; Co I – 3/87; Co K – 3/95; Band – 0/24. Total Present – 30/910. Total Present and absent – 37/925. Gain – 0, Loss 0.” It is interesting that none of the Regimental leadership, officer or enlisted, were present.
Friday, February 14th, 1862. After several weeks stationed at Castle Williams in New York Harbor, the regiment was assigned to the Expeditionary Corps led by Major General Benjamin Butler. On February 14th, the 28th Mass. embarked on the Steamer ‘Ericsson’ bound for Hilton Head Island, South Carolina.
Saturday, February 22nd, 1862. The 28th Mass. arrived at Hilton Head, South Carolina along with several other regiments, disembarked, and went into camp. but would not be placed in a traditional brigade structure for several weeks. There they would be stationed on Hilton Head without further orders until early April.
Pvt. John Ryan noted that the time was spent with usual drill, picket duty, and building breastworks.
Ryan also noted a fun pastime for the soldiers was to dig up briar roots to make pipes and little settings for gold dollars.
Wednesday, March 12th, 1862. Regimental “Monthly Report”: Field/Staff – 7/5; Co A – 3/97; Co B – 3/96; Co C – 3/86; Co D – 3/74; Co E – 3/93; Co F – 3/94; Co G – 3/81; Co H – 3/75; Co I – 3/87; Co K – 3/92; Band – 0/24
Total Present – 37/904 Total Present and absent – 37/913 Gain – 9, Loss 20
Monday, April 7th to Friday April 11th, 1862. On April 7th, the Regiment left its camp on Hilton Head Island and boarded steamships and headed further south to Daufuskie Island. Upon debarkation, on Tuesday April 8th, the Regiment marched across the Island, going about 8-9 miles in total.
Once across the Island, the Regiment split into companies and spread across several locations to reinforce seige positions on Confederate Fort Pulaski. The siege commenced on Thursday April 10th, and constant artillery bombardment resulted in the fort’s surrender on Friday, April 11th.
During the siege, the 28th Mass. was spread across Daufuskie Island, as well as Jones and Bird’s Islands.
Saturday April 12th 1862 – 28 May 1862. After the surrender of Fort Pulaski on April 11, the Regiment went a number of ways for the next good bit of time.
With the Federal Army refurbishing the fort, Pvt. John Ryan said they took 2 men from each company to stay and help rebuild. Those they took they did not see again until months later.
The Regiment, still mostly scattered by companies, remained that way until the end of May. The National Park Service has noted where the companies dispersed to during this time: “(Cos. “A” and “K” detached at Jones and Bird Islands April 18-May 6. Cos. “A,” “C,” “D,” “F” and “K” moved to Tybee Island May 12 and duty there till May 28. Cos. “B,” “E,” “G,” “H” and “I” moved to Dafuskie Island and to Hilton Head May 28.)”
Saturday, May 3rd, 1862. Regimental “Monthly Report”: Field/Staff – 5/6; Co A – 2/93; Co B – 3/95; Co C – 3/84; Co D – 3/73; Co E – 3/90; Co F – 3/95; Co G – 3/80; Co H – 3/75; Co I – 3/86; Co K – 3/91; Band – 0/23
Total Present – 34/889 Total Present and absent – 35/907 Gain – 4, Loss 9
Tuesday, May 20th 1862. The Regiment’s Commanding Officer Colonel William Montieth is arrested and relieved of command “neglect of duty” – drunkenness and other violations of regulations (specifically for “conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentlemen for drinking in his tents with Privates of the 76th Pennsylvania regiment.” He resigned on August 3rd and was subsequently court-martialled at Newport News , VA, and was discharged on August 12th.
Lieutenant Colonel McLelland Moore – a 25-year-old former bookbinder from Boston – took command from Montieth, but his tenure as commander was to be brief and troubled by internal conflict, lasting only until July.
Sunday, June 1st, 1862. Regimental “Monthly Report”: Field/Staff – 7/5; Co A – 2/95; Co B – 3/95; Co C – 3/82; Co D – 2/73; Co E – 3/91; Co F – 3/93; Co G – 2/80; Co H – 3/73; Co I – 3/84; Co K – 3/88: Band – 0/23
Total Present – 34/882. Total Present and absent – 35/898. Gain – 5, Loss 14
Sunday, June 1st, 1862.
Wednesday, July 2nd, 1862. Regimental “Monthly Report”: Field/Staff – 6/5; Co A – 2/88; Co B – 1/86; Co C – 3/63; Co D – 2/62; Co E – 3/86; Co F – 2/84; Co G – 2/69; Co H – 1/66; Co I – 3/77; Co K – 2/77; Band – 0/21
Total Present – 27/784. Total Present and absent – 36/877. Gain – 0, Loss 22
Saturday, July 12th, 1862. The Regiment departed Hilton Head SC on steamships headed for Virginia.
Wednesday, July 16, 1862. The Regiment arrived at Fort Monroe, VA, debarking at Old Point Comfort. Upon offloading, the Regiment marched to Newport News VA, and encamped.
On arrival in Virginia, the Regiment was attached to the 1st Brigade, 1st Division of Major General Burnside’s newly formed Ninth Corps of Major General McClellan’s Army of the Potomac – they would serve in the Ninth Corps for most of 1862 when they would, in late November, transfer to the II Corps and the Irish Brigade. This chapter of their history would take them through several major battles including the Maryland Campaign.
Friday, July 25th, 1862. Regimental Commander Lieutenant Colonel McLelland Moore resigns his Commission and is s discharged. he was reportedly unable to manage the intense feuding and “factions” among the Regiment’s officers. Dublin-born Major George W. Cartwright – a 33-year old printer from Boston – then took command. He will be retroactively promoted to LtCol in the Fall, with a date of Rank of July 27th.
Monday, August 4th, 1862. The 28th Massachusetts boarded on steamships in the Hampton Roads and embarked for Aquia Landing on the Potomac River. They will spend the next two days on the ships until the 6th where they will disembark and march about 10 miles before encamping in Fredericksburg.
These northward movements were driven by the need of elements of the Army of the Potomac to reinforce General Pope’s Army of Virginia’s increasingly dangerous situation in Northern Virginia
Wednesday, August 13th, 1862. In response to the Battle of Cedar Mountain (Near Culpeper, VA, August 9th, 1862), the 28th Massachusetts packed up and left Fredericksburg on August 13th, leaving behind all excess equipment except shelter tents. They would march 13 miles to spend the night at Deep Run, which crosses modern Rt.17 halfway between Storck and Goldvein, Virginia.
Over the next few days, the 28th Massachusetts would march northwest along the trace of modern Rt. 17 up to Bealeton and then south along modern Rt. 15 to encamp at the river crossing at Rappahannock Station. Then the following day (August 15th), the Regiment would move towards Pope’s forces near Culpeper, VA.
In total, The Regiment marched about 41 miles between Fredericksburg and Culpeper between August 13-15.
Saturday, August 16th, 1862. The morning after reaching General Pope’s forces in Culpeper, the 28th Massachusetts was forwarded to Raccoon Ford, VA to guard the Rapidan River crossing there. The Regiment would occupy this position until August 20th. General Pope was in need of defending all across the Rapidan during this period of time.
Wednesday, August 20th, 1862. Leaving Raccoon Ford at 2:00am, the Regiment spent a long day on the march. First stop was Stevensburg where they arrived at daybreak. An hour later, they were moving to Barnett’s Ford, a distance of around 12 miles. Circa 6:00pm that evening, the Regiment marched another 8 miles to Kelly’s Ford on the Rappahannock, arriving at midnight – after roughly 22 hours .of movement.
Thursday, August 21st, 1862.The Regiment spent the 21st of August near Kelly’s Ford.
Friday, 22 August 1862. On this day, the Regiment sees its first combat action in Virginia, in support of General John Pope’s Army of Virginia.
It was in Federal interest to guard the river crossings up and down the Rappahannock River from the Confederate Army. To this end, the 28th Massachusetts was tasked to secure Kelly’s Ford from a Confederate advance. On the 22nd of August, there was a sharp clash at Kelly’s Ford, where the Regiment (and others) drove back the Confederates.
A biographer of General Stevens – Commander of the Division that included the 28th Massachusetts – described the action at Kelly’s Ford that day as follows: “…he (General Stevens)crossed the river with two brigades in support of a cavalry reconnoissance by General Buford. Deploying the third brigade, the Highlanders and 28th Massachusetts, he drove back a considerable force of the enemy for more than a mile in a sharp action, and, after accomplishing all that was expected or desired, withdrew to the left bank.” (Hazard Stevens in Gen. Stevens biography concerning the Aug. 22 action.)
After the engagement, two unidentified regiments in the Division temporarily remained at Kelly’s Ford while the rest of the Division moved North. All the regiments however would reunite and encamp the next day at Rappahannock Station 4.5 miles from Kelly’s Ford after getting delayed in the Army supply trains.
Sunday, August 24th, 1862. The 28th Mass. was on the march again, moving northwards to Sulphur Springs, VA (Modern Fauquier Springs Country Club) after marching another 12 miles. Weather is extremely hot and humid.
Monday, August 25, 1862. The 28th packed up their encampment at Sulphur Springs, VA and moved across the Rappahannock River at Waterloo. They continued marching through Warrenton towards Warrenton Junction, which they would eventually arrive on August 26.
Wednesday, August 27th, 1862. The Regiment moves about 9 miles north to Greenwich Church where they would stay the night before moving towards Manassas Junction.
Thursday, August 28th 1862. The Regiment would move into a reserve position at Manassas Junction and stay the night until around noon on August 29th, where they would enter combat in the Second Battle of Bull Run. Weather continues to be very hot and humid.
Friday, August 29th, 1862. Second Battle of Bull Run – Day 2. This day marked the second day of the 2nd Battle of Bull Run. The oppressive August heat and humidity escalates with Heat Indexes reported reaching 118F. On this day, the 28th Massachusetts (Now relocated to Steven’s Division’s 3rd Brigade under Col. Addison Farnsworth, late the Commander of the 79th NY Highlanders. It is assumed that this was a local reorganization, as the Third Brigade had just the two Regiments – the 28th Mass and the 79th NY.)
The Regiment left Manassas Junction around noon and marched north on modern Sudley Rd. There they deployed to the battle reinforcing units attacking the Railroad Cut near Sudley Springs.
This was a hard-fought clash. On their left was Schimmelfennig’s Brigade (from the First Corps, Third Division of the Army of Virginia) and on their right was the 79th NY Highlanders of their own Brigade. The Regiment was therefore at the junction of two separate Federal Armies – potentially a signifcant command and control issue.
The biographer of Brig. General Stevens sums up the chaos of action on that day as follows: “…(Schimmelfennig’s) Brigade on Farnsworth’s left, broke at the advance of the enemy, and fell back through the woods, but the Highlanders and Faugh-a-ballaghs (28th Massachusetts) stood firm and repulsed the attack. Soon afterwards the fugitives, having reformed, moved up in line from the rear, and began firing into the backs of the troops who had stood their ground, mistaking them for the enemy; but this was speedily stopped, and they were again placed on the line. “
Through the action in the late afternoon the 28th was forced back to reform with the main line at Sudley Rd.
Saturday, August 30th, 1862. Second Battle of Bull Run – Day 3.Weather continues exceptionally hot and humid. On the third day of the battle (August 30), General Pope, believing that the Confederates had weakened their line during the night, ordered another general attack upon the Confederate infantry occupying he unfinished Railroad cut. Accordingly, Gen. Stevens brought his Division (Including the 28th Mass. in Farnsworth’s Brigade) up by columns of brigades and formed on the right of Major General Fitz John Porter’s Fifth Corps (Also of the Army of Potomac, attached to the Army of Virginia.)
The attack meets heavy resistance… Hazard Stevens wrote of his father Gen. Stevens “… at once becomes furiously engaged, and suffers heavy loss, including Colonel Farnsworth, who is severely wounded. General Stevens maintains this contest until Porter’s column is repulsed, when he withdraws his command to the first ridge in rear of the woods, posting his lines just behind the crest, with skirmishers holding the edge of the woods.”
The 28th Massachusetts over the 2 days of fighting had suffered about 135 casualties, including both their Regimental Commander (Lt. Col. George Cartwright) and their Brigade Commander (Col. Addison Farnsworth)
Attached are battlefield maps and pictures to help understand the Aug. 30 attack by the 28th Mass. and if you wish to visit.
Monday, September 1st, 1862 – Battle of Chantilly. The 28th Massachusetts is now under the command of Captain Andrew P. Caraher, in relief of the wounded Lieut. Col. Cartwright. Caraher, a 33-year old Irish born native of Lynn, Massachusetts, and previously the Company A Commander, would lead the 28th Mass through the Antietam. Campaign, finally relinquishing command to Colonel Richard Byrnes on October 18th, 1862. (Caraher would eventually be promoted Major, with his Commission backdated to 26 July 1862.)
Following the defeat at the Battle of Second Bull Run, Federal forces began a general retreat towards Centreville although Washington was encouraging General Pope to attack the Confederate Army near Manassas. While Pope dithered over what to do, Confederate forces attempted to flank Pope’s Army on his (Pope’s) right. Key terrain in this effort included the Warrenton Pike (modern US Route 28) and the Little River Turnpike (modern US Route 50.) Although committed to the idea of a general retreat towards Washington, General Pope – still unaware of the Confederate flanking effort – nonetheless ordered infantry to go forward to probe for the location of Confederate Forces.
On the morning of the 1st of September, General Pope had become more aware of the Confederate forces moving along the Warrenton Pike and the Little River Turnpike. Accordingly, Steven’s Division of Ninth Corps- with the 28th Mass — and later, Kearney’s Division of Third Corps, were dispatched to block any confederate forces moving along the Little River Pike (Rt 50.).
At about 3 p.m., Stevens’ Division arrived at Ox Hill, SE of Chantilly. Despite being outnumbered, Stevens chose to attack across a grassy field against a division in the Confederate center. The Union attack was initially successful but was ultimately driven back following a counterattack. Stevens was killed during this attack at about 5 p.m., by a shot through his temple.
At approximately 5PM, a severe thunderstorm, with gale force winds, and torrential cold rain arrived. This storm was to become a distinguishing feature of the battle. This tremendous storm – which broke the heat and humidity of the previous weeks – is held as the most violent weather recorded on a battlefield during the Civil War. The storm was so unusual in its strength and ferocity that it ranks with the deaths of Generals Kearny and Stevens as the most remembered aspect of the battle.
William Todd of the 79th NY Highlanders, who attacked on the flank of the 28th Mass recalled “A sudden and severe thunderstorm now burst over the field, and the rain fell in torrents; the heavens grew dark, the thunder rolled, and vivid flashes of lightning illuminated the woods. The din caused by our batteries and musketry, and Heaven’s artillery, with the heavily falling rain, combined to render the scene not only impressive, but awful.”
The following excerpt is from the book Washington Weather by Kevin Ambrose, Dan Henry, and Andy Weiss: “The thunderstorms that occurred during the [Ox Hill] battle were associated with a strong early-season cold front. The front was also accompanied by strong winds. Before the battle, the wind was strong from the south, recorded by the Naval Observatory in Washington to be at Force 6. The next day, on September 2nd, the Observatory recorded winds from the northwest at Force 4, and military records noted that northwest gales hampered shipping on the Potomac River. The Naval Observatory also recorded that 1.08 inches of rain fell [in Washington] during the storm of September 1st, and included the following remark: ‘Commenced an exceedingly heavy rain, with lightning and thunder, at 5:45 p.m.’ (Robert Ross Smith puts the time at 5:00 p.m. at Ox Hill).”
Along with the roughly 99 casualties, the 28th Mass. lost their division Commander General Isaac Stevens, one of two Federal Division Commnders killed that day.Along with the roughly 99 casualties, the 28th Mass. lost their division Commander General Isaac Stevens, one of two Federal Division Commanders killed that day. (The more prominent General Kearny (1st Division Third Corps) being the other.)
Today Chantilly Battlefield Park preserves just a small section of the battlefield but remarkably includes a good portion of the route of the 28th Massachusetts’ charge.
As a side note, it was arguably the loss of the majority of the Chantilly battlefield to urban development that sparked the modern battlefield preservation movement. (See: “Fighting the Second Civil War” by Bob Zeller for more detail.)
Tuesday, September 2nd, 1962. After spending the night of Sept. 1st on the Chantilly Battlefield, the 28th Massachusetts and the rest of the division pulled back to encamp in Alexandria, Va, where they would stay until the early morning hours of Sept. 5.
Leaving Alexandria, the Regiment crossed the Potomac on Long Bridge (Railroad Bridge that parallel’s modern Rt.1) to encamp at Meridian Hill in Northwest Washington DC – near the current location of George Washington University. Ironically, the Federal camp at Meridian Hill was called “Camp Cameron” – the same camp name where the Regiment was formed in Massachusetts in 1861. Arriving circa 4 AM, the Regiment would remain at Camp Cameron until Sept. 7th.
Thursday, September 4th, 1862. Fresh off their victory at Chantilly, advance elements of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia cross into Maryland from Virginia.
Sunday, September 7th, 1862. The main body of the Army of Northern Virginia crosses into Maryland. The Federal Army of the Potomac under Major General George McClellan begins northerly movement in pursuit of the invading Confederates. What would be later dubbed “the Maryland Campaign” had begun. As part of the Army of Potomac’s chase, the 28th Massachusetts left Camp Cameron, marching north into Maryland.
This first march took the Regiment roughly 9 miles to Leesboro, MD (modern day Wheaton, Maryland), where they would stay until Sept. 9th. During their time at the Leesboro encampment, Brigadier General Orlando B. Wilcox took command of the 28th Mass’ parent Division, replacing General,Stevens (KIA at Chantilly.) Further, the Regiment was returned to the Division’s First Brigade under the command of Col. Benjamin Christ’s – their initial home when they arrived from SC in July.
Tuesday, September 9th, 1862. The 28th Mass moves a further 11 miles up to encamp at Brookeville, MD until Sept. 11th. The Regimental Monthly Report is also submitted this day: Field/Staff – 3/5; Co A – 2/63; Co B – 2/57; Co C – 1/50; Co D – 2/40; Co E – 1/63; Co F – 3/54; Co G – 1/50; Co H – 2/51; Co I – 2/39; Co K – 2/58 (Note the absence of the Regimental Band). Field/Staff – 3/5; Co A – 2/63; Co B – 2/57; Co C – 1/50; Co D – 2/40; Co E – 1/63; Co F – 3/54; Co G – 1/50; Co H – 2/51; Co I – 2/39; Co K – 2/58.
Total Present – 21/530. Total Present and absent – 31/825. Gain – 2, Loss 43
Note the absence of the Regimental Band in the September report. Over the course of 1862 there had been some outcry over bands – “far more ornamental than useful, and should be abolished” per the Paymaster General of the Army in Senate testimony. On July 17th, Congress took his counsel to heart and abolished all Regimental bands. Major General McClellan, commanding the Army of the Potomac, issued an order of dissolution. Bands were limited to. brigades and capped at only 16 men. We don’t know what specifically happened to the bandsmen of the 28th, but potentially some of the 43 soldiers noted as “lost” on the report included all or some of the 21 bandsmen noted in the July 1862 Monthly.)
Thursday, September 11th, 1862. Sept. 11th was a long march that took the Regiment about 20 miles to Forer’s Creek around New Market, MD.
Friday, September 12th, 1862. On Friday, September 12th, the 28th Massachusetts left their encampment near New Market, MD and marched about 9 miles to camp at Monocacy, MD just outside of Frederick.
Saturday, September 13th, 1862. Continuing northeast on the 13th, the 28th Massachusetts marched about 10 miles to the vicinity of Middletown, MD reaching their destination around 2:00pm.
Sunday, September 14th, 1862. From Middletown on the 14th; the 28th Massachusetts would deploy about 5 more miles to the battlefield at Fox’s Gap on South Mountain.
The Battle of South Mountain. The Regiments action in Fox’s Gap in the Battle of South Mountain are as follows:
Through the early action of the engagement, the 28th Massachusetts was held in reserve directly behind the 17th Michigan while they began their attack. These two regiments were the only ones protecting the right flank of the Old Sharpsburg Road which was the strategic objective passing through Fox’s Gap.
In the afternoon, a Confederate counterattack swept in and the battered 17th Michigan and other Ninth Corps Regiments needed help. The 28th’s Brigade Commander Col. Christ seeing this, noted in his report… ““Later in the day the…Twenty-eighth Massachusetts Volunteers were ordered to the front, and assisted in repulsing the enemy in his second attempt to force our lines.” Christ also added after the engagement: ”With. few exceptions, both officers and men discharged their whole duty.”
The 28th Massachusetts suffered around 8 casualties (all wounded) during the battle, including 1 officer. The most influential casualty of the day was Ninth Corps Commander Maj. Gen. Jesse Reno who was killed in action.
That night the 28th Massachusetts would have stayed on the battlefield securing the Old Sharpsburg Rd. passing through Fox’s Gap.
Monday, September 15th, 1862. After spending the night of the 14th on the battlefield, the 28th Massachusetts crossed over South Mountain on September 15th headed towards Porterstown, MD, a distance of roughly 6 miles. Arriving after 11PM, the Regiment immediately camped. they will remain in place until the 17th.
The Porterstown encampment was not without its excitement. First Division artillery, 2nd U.S. Battery E under Lt. Samuel Benjamin became entangled in an artillery engagement. As a result, the 28th Massachusetts, along with the other regiments under Col. Christ’s brigade were deployed on picket duty.
Wednesday, September 17th, 1862. The Battle of Antietam. The 28th Massachusetts and the rest of Col. Christ’s Brigade were involved in the thick afternoon fighting near the Lower Bridge (Now Burnside’s Bridge).
After other IX Corps units had secured the bridge around 1:00pm, the 28th Massachusetts and the rest of their division formed up as part of a large attack into the town of Sharpsburg where a portion of Confederate Gen. Longstreet’s men were protecting.
Gen. O.B. Willcox (First Division CO), noted that they “…crossed to the west bank by the stone bridge, and took position on Rodman’s right and on both sides of the road, toward Sharpsburg, and engaged the enemy driving them in confusion from their position opposite our front, and held the position till ordered by General Burnside to fall back a short distance…”
Col. Christ gave a deeper sense of what the challenges were in this attack: “While halting under cover from the enemy directly in front, he opened a battery on my left which commanded my whole line from left to right, and for thirty minutes we were under a most severe fire of round shot, shell, grape, and canister, and suffered severely.”
It wasn’t until the left side of the attack formation formed up did Col. Christ and the 28th Massachusetts feel relief.
Christ added, “A demonstration on the left compelled the enemy to change the direction of his fire, and my supports coming, we moved to the front, where we engaged the enemy on his left, and in about one hour succeeded in driving both his artillery and infantry from the position.”
The advancing formation included the 17th Michigan leading the advance with the 28th Massachusetts and the 50th Pennsylvania advancing behind them giving support.
After the Confederate counterattack by Gen. A.P. Hill, the Ninth Corps all fell back to the heights securing the bridge where they would sleep that night on the battlefield. The 28th Massachusetts suffered a total of around 51 casualties as a result of the actions at Antietam, including 18 killed.
Friday, September 19th, 1862. After the battle, the Regiment was assigned to guard the Lower Crossing (Burnside’s Bridge) for several days. On Friday, Sept. 19th, the 28th Massachusetts began moving southwest towards the Potomac River. On the 19th, the Regiment marched about 7 miles to Sheperdstown Ford on the Potomac. There they would stay roughly a week.
Friday, September 26th, 1862. On the 26th, the 28th marched about 5 miles to the Antietam Iron Works, where they would stay until Oct. 7th. While at the Iron Works, Gen. Willcox added that they spent the time “…drilling and doing picket duty.”
Tuesday, September 30th, 1862. Regimental Monthly Report: Field/Staff – 2/5; Co A – 2/56; Co B – 1/29; Co C – 1/44; Co D – 0/30; Co E – 0/44; Co F – 1/33; Co G – 1/39; Co H – 1/35; Co I – 3/27; Co K – 1/54
Total Present – 13/396. Total Present and absent – 27/796. Gain – 25, Loss 58
Tuesday, October 7th, 1862. On Oct. 7th, the Regiment encamped in Pleasant Valley, MD, likely south of Rohresville. the Pleasant Valley was home to numerous Federal camps at this time, as the Army of Potomac recovered from the hard marching and fighting of the previous weeks. The Regiment would spend several days resting before being called to other duties on the 11th.
Saturday, October 11th, 1862. On October 11th, a large part of the Division left and scattered around the surrounding area on different assignments. The First Brigade (which the 28th was a part) left to garrison in the city of Frederick, MD and stayed there until Oct. 15 where they headed back to Pleasant Valley.
Sometime during this period the 28th Massachusetts continued toward the C&O Canal to guard Noland’s Ferry. The Regiment would stay at Noland’s Ferry until Oct. 29th.
Saturday, October 18th, 1862. On Oct. 18th, Col. Richard Byrnes arrived to take command of the 28th Massachusetts. Born in Ireland, the 30-year old Byrnes was an Army Regular of 9-years service with the 2nd and 5th US Calvary (whose pre-war Officer rolls reads as a “who’s who” of Civil War Generals.) Appointed to Command by Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, the appointment of Byrnes – an outsider – led seven officers to resign in protest.
Colonel Byrnes immediately tightened discipline in the regiment, relieving the sergeant major and quartermaster sergeant and instituting daily drills and inspection. Captain Andrew Caraher, who had been in command since the wounding of Lt Col Cartwright on August 30th, was sometime in this period elevated to Major, remaining with the Regiment.
Wednesday, October 29th, 1862. While the rest of the Division returned into Virginia on Oct. 26th using a pontoon bridge at Berlin, (Now Brunswick, MD). The 28th Massachusetts crossed about 5 miles away from Noland’s Ferry at Heedle’s Ford near Point of Rocks, MD on Oct. 29th.
After crossing into Virginia the 28th Massachusetts would march for another 10 miles to rejoin the rest of the Division at Waterford, VA. This is where they would encamp until Nov. 1st.
Friday, October 31st, 1862. Regimental Monthly Report: Field/Staff – 6/5; A – 1/61; B – 2/33; C – 1/52; D – 0/42; E – 0/53; F – 1/35; G – 1/44; H – 1/43; I – 1/41; K – 0/52
Total Present – 14/461 Total Present and absent – 28/820 Gain – 64, Loss 39
Sunday, November 2nd, 1862. After rejoining the rest of the Division at Waterford at the end of October; the 28th and the rest of the entire IX Corps would slowly work their way to the Rappahannock sector. On November 2nd, the 28th Mass. would march through an area called Harmony to encamp at Philomont near modern Unison, VA.
The next day, Nov. 3rd, the Regiment would move their encampment about eight miles to Upperville, VA and stay there two nights. And on the 5th, the Regiment would move a further 6 miles to Rectortown, VA.
Thursday, November 6th, 1862. On Nov. 6th, the Regiment marched around 13 miles to Orlean, VA. Then proceeded on the 7th to Waterloo, VA on the Rappahannock River. There they would stay there until November 15th. The weather was cold and snowy.
Saturday, November 15th, 1862. Nov. 15th was a busy day for the 28th Mass.. After the Second Division under Brig. Gen. Samuel Sturgis was attacked with artillery fire, the First Division of which the 28th was still a part, moved to secure the main pike at White Sulphur Springs. (Likely modern Springs Rd. at Fauquier Springs Country Club).
During the evening on the 15th, The Regiment proceeded a further 10 miles to encamp at Rappahannock Station near Remington, VA until Nov. 17th.
Wednesday, November 19th, 1862. On November 19th, the 28th Massachusetts had marched the remaining 10 miles and settled into Stafford Heights overlooking the city of Fredericksburg.
Sunday, November 23rd, 1862. On this day the 28th Massachusetts finally joined the Irish Brigade, as originally intended, before the needs of the Army sent them to the Carolinas. This transfer moved the Regiment from the Ninth Corps to the Second Corps, placing them under Brigade Commander Brigadier General Thomas Francis Meagher – “Meagher of the Sword”, and of the Division commanded by Major General Winfield Scott Hancock – “Hancock the Superb.” Leaving the Irish Brigade was the 29th Massachusetts, a New England Yankee Regiment that was never quite a good fi for the Irish Brigade. (The 29th MA considered themselves an “American Regiment” out of place amongst the Irish.)
The Regiment marched about 2 miles to join Meagher’s camp, arriving at approximately 9AM. The camp of the Irish Brigade was located about a mile-and-a-half from Falmouth (NNW up modern Truslow Road in Stafford County.) Brig. Gen’l Meagher turned out the Brigade at open order in welcome, each Regiment in turn presenting arms as the 28th marched in at “shoulder arms.” The 28th was presented with its Second Irish (Tiffany) Regimental color, with “4th Regt Irish Brigade” embroidered on the upper scroll. Meagher and his staff led a cheer, crying out “Three Cheers for the Fifth Irish Regiment of the Brigade” (somewhat ironic considering the number on the scroll.) All the Regiments “cheered with a will” per John Ryan, to which the 28th strongly replied.
The 28th was initially camped next to the 88th NY, and in the spirit of Irish hospitality. coffee and rations had been provided for the men of the 28th to “sit down to” on arrival.
Interestingly, it is possible that the men did not know of the transfer to the Irish Brigade until it happened. Peter Welsh wrote his wife on the 23rd mentioning his desire to visit a friend in the camp of the 69th NY ‘about 2 miles away” and his return address was a IX Corps one. He doesn’t share the news of the transfer until his next letter on the 30th of November, noting that ‘just after posting the letter” (of the 23rd), they received orders to pack up and move. (Sources: Welsh “IrishGreen & Union Blue”, pgs 32-33; Ryan “Campaigning” pg 70.)
Monday, November 24th – Sunday, November 30th 1862. The 28th Mass performs a variety of tasks during this week, but specific dates are not evident. Ryan describes ‘taking a few days to settle in” and then being assigned various duties involving cutting pine trees for huts; building huts (“one per company”) including using their gum blankets on the roof; drilling; and each Regiment spent three days on Picket duty on the Rappahannock, though which days were spent on this duty by the 28th is not clear, nor is where exactly the Regiment was posted. Ryan reports engaging the Confederates in conversation and trade while standing picket, but only when “no superior officers” were around. (Bruce Catton, in “Glory Road” describes the flow of goods and information across the Rappahannock as a bedeviling problem for the Federal High Command.)
The church spires of Fredericksburg can be seen in the background.
Ryan also reports that after joining the Irish Brigade, the men were issued “quite a number of brown-colored knit blouses, resembling a cardigan jacket” which were believed to have been captured from a blockade runner. He further details wearing white leggings ‘in contrast to the other troops.” To close out this sartorial paragraph, Ryan also ended up in the Guardhouse briefly, on charge of Colonel Byrnes himself, for wearing a pair of “high-topped patent leather boots” to a dress parade.) (Sources, Ryan “Campaigning,’ pgs 71- 74.)
Sunday, November 30th, 1862. Regimental Monthly Report: Field/Staff – 6/3; Co A – 1/53; Co B – 2/34; Co C – 2/54; Co D – 0/43; Co E – 0/59; Co F – 0/41; Co G – 2/42; Co H – 1/39; Co I – 1/47; Co K – 1/48
Total Present – 16/403 Total Present and absent – 27/742 Gain – 16, Loss 95 (58 deserted)
Monday, December 1at – Saturday, December 6th 1862. The Regiment remains in camp with the Irish Brigade. Private William McCarter of the 116th PA recounts that on the 1st of December, the men were ordered to build winter huts. Ryan refers to building huts “one per Company, ‘ but this strikes the reader as requiring quite a large structure, even if the Company strength was only 25-30. Shelter tents and gum blankets were used for the roofs.
There seems to be a general air of quiet this week. Peter Welsh, writing his wife on the 4th tells her “…there is no immediate prospect of any fighting here and it is doubtful if we will have any this winter .” Ryan describes visiting other Massachusetts Regiments, and curiously, takes some time at this point in his narrative to discuss cooking and tent-building – this is suggestive of a general lull. The Irish Brigade is relieved from picket duty by the Thursday the 5th, and Division Commander Major General Hancock conducted an inspection. Throughout, Col Byrnes continued to drill the Regiment, no doubt to bring them up to his Regular Army expectation. on Saturday (the 6th) a light snow falls.
Sunday, December 7th, 1862. Signs and portents appear signaling that that the lull is nearing an end, notably, as ammunition wagons roll into camp. Artillery batteries move to the front; Surgeons and ambulances also move forward.
Monday, December 8th, 1862. After a general inspection, the men of the Irish Brigade are told to be “ready to move.” This is the first real indication to the men that something was up. Peter Welsh however writes his wife that day, urging her to “…make her mind easier and not fret and worry so much.” He details building huts, needing tobacco, and that he is keeping “purty comfortable.” He downgrades the possibility of a battle – “ no probability at all here at present “ – cautioning her not to believe everything she reads in the newspaper.
Wednesday, December 10th, 1862. The weather is clear, but cold. At noon, marching orders are issued. The men are given three days cooked rations and issued 80 rounds of ammunition. The Army is a beehive of activity as cattle are slaughtered and cooked through the night. Chaplain Corby of the 88th NY records in his memoirs that a soldier approached him with the camp rumor that the Army was going to attack. Corby replied “Do not trouble yourself; your Generals know better than that.”
Thursday, December 11th, 1862. The 28th Mass broke their camp about a mile-and-a-half from Falmouth before daylight and proceeded in the direction of Stafford Heights in front of Fredericksburg, keeping out of sight of the Confederates.
Per William McCarter, as the Irish Brigade marched out “by the flank” , the column stretched “more than a mile.” As the Brigade departed camp, Field Music played “The Heights of the Alma” – a popular song from the mid-1850s referring to the Crimean War battle. (Note: McCarter calls the tune “Upon the Heights of the Alma” but it is possible, and potentially even likely, that the tune played was the Irish traditional song “The Rakes of Mallow” from the mid 1740s as the two tunes are virtually identical.)
Colonel Byrne in his official report, as well as John Ryan reports they marched out Stafford Courthouse Road and initially camped in a ravine near the Headquarters of MG Edwin “Bull” Sumner, commanding the Right Grand Division of the Army of the Potomac. This headquarters was at Chatham (AKA the Lacy House), on a bluff overlooking the northern or right pontoon site, due east of the city. (I have marked Truslow Road on the map, as that is the road you would take today to get to the vicinity of the Irish Brigade’s camp, just short of where Truslow Road crosses I-95.)
Peter Welsh, writing to his wife on Christmas, describes “reveille at 4AM, breakfast and packing up camp, leaving knapsacks behind, with some sick men to watch over things.” He further reports starting before sunrise, and marching about 2 hours, staying behind the hills opposite the town in a small wood, then moving closer to the river (the Rappahannock) after dark.
Welsh notes the “carronading was going on all day from daylight in the morning.” Ryan further notes the presence and activity of the Engineer Brigade preparing to lay a pontoon bridge across the river. (Sources: Welsh, Irish Green and Union Blue, pg 42; Ryan, Campaigning, pg 78; McCarter “My Life in the Irish Brigade”, pg 143.)
Friday, December 12th, 1862. The Irish Brigade, including the 28th Massachusetts crossed into Fredericksburg on the upper or right pontoon bridge (per Colonel Byrnes) as the lead Brigade of Hancock’s Division. The crossing occurred between 7AM and 8AM and the Irish Brigade took some casualties enroute, to include a drummer boy that fell from the pontoon bridge.
The Commander of the 116th PA, Lt Col St Clair Augustine Mulholland, noted that the band of a watching NY Regiment struck up the tune “Garryowen” as the Regiment crossed. This scene is depicted in Don Troiani’s painting of that name (pictured). (Note: “Garryowen – from the Irish Garraí Eoin, meaning Saint John’s Court — is an 18th Century Irish jig, referring to a neighborhood in Limerick, Ireland. It was originally a drinking song. In the 1850s, the NY militia unit that ultimately became the 69th NY, adopted the tune as their official marching song. Lyrics can be found in the 28th Mass’ songbook (2008)
Private John Ryan reports that the Regiment “took up positions” on the streets of Fredericksburg and described the worn-torn nature of the town, noting specifically the bodies of fallen Confederates. The Regiment, along with the rest of the Irish Brigade “slept on their arms” (e.g, slept rough without shelter) in the current location of the Fredericksburg City Dock, at the southern terminus of Water Street (now called Sophia St) – this location was close to the railroad bridge, just north of the center pontoon bridge.
There the men stacked arms and tried to fashion ways to stay out of the ankle deep mud. Looting of nearby homes almost certainly occurred, as the men searched for food and other spoils of war. Prohibited from fires overnight, Northern Lights lit the December sky, overlooking the sleeping men. ( Sources: Ryan, “Campaigning”, page 79. O’Reilly, The Fredericksburg Campaign, pg 108., McCarter, “My Life in the Irish Brigade,” chap 8.)
Saturday, December 13th, 1862 – the Battle of Fredericksburg. The Regiment awoke at City Dock at 4AM, their blankets covered in frost, fed themselves in small groups, and fell in about 8AM. Peter Welsh describes this in his Christmas letter to his wife recording that they slept in mud “to the ankles”, laying on boards where they could, and said he “slept as sound as ever I had done in my life.”
Around noon, Irish Brigade Commander Brigadier General Meagher appeared on horseback and made a rousing speech to each Regiment in turn, receiving the cheers of the men each time. John Ryan recalls the speech as encouraging in what was expected of them and concluded that if they were victorious they could soon go home — but if not, it would have to be fought again.” Sprigs of boxwood were handed out, and the Regiment affixed these green symbols to their caps and uniforms.
At around 1230 PM, per a January 10th, 1863 account written by William McCleland in the New York Irish-American, the order was given: “Shoulder Arms – Right Face – Forward – Double Quick – MARCH!” The Irish Brigade marched in a column of regiments, led by the 69th NY. The 28th Mass was third in the column, following the 88th NY and immediately trailed by the 63rd NY. Fluttering above the Regiment were the First National Flag and the Second Irish (Tiffany) green Regimental. As the only Regiment in the Brigade with its green color present – the colors of the NY Regiments having been sent home and replacements had not arrived; the 116th PA never having green colors – this formation placed the 28th Mass in the center of the Irish Brigade.
Ryan reports that the Brigade marched out in a column of fours. The route was north from near the railroad bridge (modern City Dock) along Water Street (modern Sophia St) to George St, where the Brigade turned left (or west) and marched through the city towards Maryes Heights, climbing a small hill that crested short of the City limits. Descending on the western side of the hill, the brigade was directly exposed to the direct fire of Confederate artillery on Maryes Heights. George St curved into Hanover St, just short of a mill race (a canal ditch – modern Kenmore Avenue). (Note: Some accounts indicate that the Irish Brigade marched out on Hanover St, but historian Francis O’Reilly has pointed out that soldiers described their route as the street with all the churches – which is George St, one block north of Hanover.) (See below map, an inset from an ABT map.)
Ryan reports crossing the mill race on “a little bridge”, as did the Regiments directly ahead in the column. The trailing Regiments were forced, in the name of timeliness, to wade across. It was unseasonably warm that afternoon – near 60 degrees and the men were clad in great coats.
Both Ryan and Peter Welsh vividly describe the maelstrom of the combat in front of the stone wall, with Ryan further likening the fire they received to what was given to the Confederates at Gettysburg the following July. (Pickett’s Charge on the 3rd day of the battle.)
On the far side of the mill race, in defilade (a bit) behind some high ground and some houses, the Irish Brigade went from a column of regiments into a brigade line. From right to left, the line was the 69th NY, the 88th NY the 28th MA, the 63rd NY, and the 116th PA.
The Irish Brigade was the fifth II Corps Brigade thrown sequentially against the defenders of Maryes Heights that fateful afternoon. First were three Brigades of French’s Division, followed by Zook’s Brigade of Hancock’s Division. At approximately 1:45 PM, the Irish Brigade had their turn and advanced in smart lines towards the enemy, the battlefield littered with men in blue from earlier waves.
Like the others, the attack failed under the tremendous fire of the defenders. Mere yards from the enemy, soldiers took cover behind a brick house (the Stratton House) and in a providential dip in the ground that offered some cover if prone (“the swale”.) Fire was kept up at the enemy, but it was not enough. Don Troiani captured the crest of the attacking Irish Brigade in his painting “Clear the Way”, the title evocative of the Regiment’s war cry “Fág an Bealach.”
The noted historian Bruce Catton, described the attack of the Irish as thus: “Second wave now – Brigadier General Thomas F. Meagher’s Irish Brigade. Meagher himself magnificent in a tailored uniform coat of darkest green, silver stars embroidered on black shoulder knots, a yellow silk scarf across his breast -“a picture of unusual grace and majesty,” a Pennsylvania soldier wrote. The Irishmen had only one of their green flags this day, the others having grown too tattered for use and replacement flags not having arrived, and this one green flag was borne by the 28th Massachusetts, a regiment of Bay State Irish specially recruited for this brigade. Every man in the brigade wore in his cap a sprig of evergreen, and Meagher sent them down Hanover Street and out towards the canal, 69th NY in the lead.
Like the others, the brigade formed beyond the canal and went swinging ahead, and the men who lay on the ground raised their heads and cheered as they saw them coming. The men tromped on, past the dead and the wounded and the beaten-out men of other commands, and got up to that deadly, insignificant little high place in the flat plain, and the smoke rolled down on them like a killing cloud. the men could see very little and they could hear nothing at all but the unending racket of the firing. It was all but impossible for officers to pass an order in the choking confused tumult. Now and then men got a glimpse of a few officers farther forward trying to tear down an obstructing fence. The 88th New York knelt behind another fence and opened its own fire, and the whole field was a pandemonium of smoke and flame and shouting men. Captain Condon of the 63rd New York learned he was in command of the regiment, and when he tried to get the men together he could only find nine of them. As he was lining up this remanent of command he saw a slightly larger fragment drifting up out of the smoke, a green flag at its head: the Colonel of the 28th Massachusetts , who had a dozen men with him. The two officers shook hands and agreed that the brigade had been cut to pieces, and in the end they got their men back to the riverbank and found General Meagher rallying other survivors. By evening he was able to assemble 250 men out of the 1,400 the Brigade had taken into action.”
By 2:15PM, the attack had been shattered. Federal soldiers with boxwood sprigs in their caps lay within 50 yards; as close to the stone wall as any. Below that wall lay a field of fallen soldiers in blue. Wounded and dead men lay there from the shattered Regiments; only after nightfall was it considered safe to quietly straggle back towards the relative safety of the city. The night turned bitterly cold, and it rained at some point, adding misery atop calamity to the survivors, both wounded and unhurt.
Francis O’Reilly, in his book “The Fredericksburg Campaign” recounts that the 9th Massachusetts Volunteers, like the 28th, an ethnic Irish Regiment, as they crossed the Rappahannock late in the day to join the fight, “…stumbled upon the used-up 28th Massachusetts of Meagher’s Irish Brigade. Many of the grimy soldiers “shook their heads in a rueful and not reassuring manner.” A captain in the Irish Brigade remarked to them “it was the toughest place he had ever been into and that he was sorry to see us going in.”
Colonel Byrnes in his official report later recorded the 28th’s casualties as: 11; wounded, 116; missing, 30; total 157 — of 416 that started. (This number is often listed as 158 as well.). Approximately 38% of the Regiment were casualties in the 30 minutes of the attack – the heaviest loss in the Irish Brigade’s five Regiments.
Brigadier General Meagher’s official report of the battle, was published in Boston in the Pilot Newspaper on 10 January 1863. In this report, he singles out the 28th Mass and its leaders, Colonel Byrnes and Major Carraher: “It (the 28th Mass)… is a substantial and splendid accession to the brigade. It has sinew, heart and soul. It is commanded by an officer (Col. R. Byrne) than whom it would be difficult to find one of superior aptitude for such a command, combining as he does, the practical experience and matured capacity of a soldier of some years standing with the natural qualities which enable one to figure prominently and successfully in military life. I have not a word but one of unqualified commendation to bestow on this well-regulated and admirably disciplined regiment. Major Carraher, one of the best of its excellent officers, was wounded in the head.” (Meagher’s report is also found in the “Official Records” (O.R.) in vol XXI, pp 240-246.)
Sources: Ryan “Campaigning” pge 79-81; Welsh “Irish Green & UnionBlue” pgs 41-43; Catton “Bruce Catton’s Civil War: Three Volumes inOne”, pg 253. The extract is from second volume in the collection, “Glory Road” – part one, chapter 4 “Burnished Rows of Steel;” O’Reilly, “The Fredericksburg Campaign” pg 374.
Sunday, December 14th, 1862. During the evening and night of December 13th, elements of Irish Brigade had crossed back over the Rappahannock to the Stafford County side of the river. The Regiment occupied the camp where it had spent the night of December 11th, carrying as much of their wounded over as they could manage.
On the morning of the 14th, the Brigade was ordered back across the river, and John Ryan reports that they moved “to the left of the town” (e.g. : south) taking up position near a “gas house” in the vicinity of the center pontoon bridge – modern Fredericksburg City Dock – near where the Regiment had spent the night of the 12th of December. The Regiment stacked arms and waited for orders; Ryan reports that they entered local houses, looting feather beds and ticks for their comfort, as well as flour and cornmeal, which they used to make pancakes. Some soldiers fished some tobacco out of the river, to their delight. Colonel Byrnes mentions that there was a resupply of ammunition, bringing each man to 60 rounds each.
Ryan further records that at some point they fell in, and marched west through the city towards the Confederate positions, leaving some to conclude that they were going to re-enter the fighting. As they marched, other Federal units cheered them. Instead of rejoining the battle, Ryan recalls that they instead “…moved to a Catholic Church and there a green flag was presented out of the church to one of New York Regiments.” He further details that the three cheers given by the Irish Brigade caused a Confederate bombardment of the church.
The ceremony at the Church is not mentioned in either Brig Gen’l Meagher’s or Colonel Byrnes’ reports of the battle. Nor was there a Catholic Church in Fredericksburg city at the time. It is possible that the church is the Presbyterian Church on George St which to this day proudly displays two cannonballs in its columns as legacy of the battle. (This said, D.P. Conyngham, in “The Irish Brigade” says that the ceremony for the new green colors for the NY regiments took place in a small theater, where a small feast attended by a number of Generals occurred under a bombardment. General Hancock is said to have observed “Only Irishmen could enjoy themselves thus.”)
Afterwards, the Regiment moved back to his previous position near the center pontoon/gas house where it would remain one further night.
Sources: Col Byrnes Report, Ryan “Campaigning” pgs 81-83, Conyngham, Irish Brigade, pg 354.
Monday, December 15th, 1862. Army of the Potomac Commander Major General Burnside, after being dissuaded by his Generals from renewing the Federal attack, ordered the army to retreat back across the Rappahannock. Ryan recorded that this occurred after dark, with all efforts being made to make the move quietly. Federal wounded and “all of our dead” were left behind as Confederate skirmishes occupied the town. The weather turns bad with strong wind and snow. The 28th and the Irish Brigade, recrossing over the upper pontoon bridge, returned to their “old camp” near Falmouth. The Battle of Fredericksburg was over – a decisive defeat for the Union – and one that cost 158 casualties in the Regiment.
Sources: Col Byrnes Report, Ryan “Campaigning” pg 83.
Tuesday, December 16th – Thursday, December 18th, 1862. A temporary truce enabled both armies to recover their wounded and to bury their dead. John Ryan was part of the burial detail and describes the “majority of our dead were destitute of their clothing, it being taken off by the Confederates for their own use.” The dead were placed in long entrenchments dug for that purpose, there being laid side by side, and layered on top in subsequent rows, then covered in dirt. Most were not identified, unless the fallen soldier had taken the precaution of pinning a piece of cloth or paper bearing their name to their uniform. “Burial of the dead is one of the saddest incidents pertaining to a soldier’s life” Ryan says – almost 14 years later, he would lead the details that found and buried the Custer brothers after the Battle of the Little Big Horn (June 1876).
Sunday, December 21st, 1862. From the Regiment’a camp near Falmouth, VA, Col Byrnes submits his official report of the Regiment during the Battle of Fredericksburg.
Thursday, December 25th, 1862. The 28th Massachusetts, along with the rest of the Irish Brigade, spent Christmas 1862 in its camp, a mile-and-a-half northwest of Falmouth. In the 10 days since returning from the battle, the Regiment had taken their turn on picket duty. John Ryan recounts “…doing the usual camp duty, drilling and fatigue…”
Peter Welsh received a letter from his wife on Christmas Day, and wrote her a long letter, the second he had sent her since the battle. In this letter he first assured her that some things she had read in newspapers – about a lack of rations, clothing, and a “killing frost” —were not so. He himself had been acting as Commissary Sergeant, detailing that “…a full alowance (sic) of bread meat coffe (sic) and shugar (sic) is always to be had unless the wagons meet with some accident which seldom occurs …the bread and meat alowed (sic) is not sufficient to satisfy a mans appetite without the other rations but a man can live on it …there is beans and rice and vegetables alowd (sic) … we get mixed vegetables pressed and dry which are very good to make soup.”
Welsh used his Christmas letter to detail his personal experience in the battle, which no doubt was eye-opening at home. Father Corby, Chaplain of the 88th NY, in his memoirs describes that during this period “all of us were sad, very sad” but there is no air of this in Welsh’s letter. However, Al Connors and Chris Mackowski in their book “Seizing Destiny” detailing the strategic rebirth of the Army of the Potomac between Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, in an aptly named chapter entitled “The Bedraggled Army” describe a winter of discontent, where the morale of the Army “plummeted precipitously” in the days and weeks after the defeat at Fredericksburg. It is not surprising that Welsh, whose care and affection for his wife is manifest in his letters home, would not convey this attitude to his wife, whether he felt it or not. He did very practically ask her to send him some salve ointment “ – noting not to send it in a box – which frequently get lost — but to “…sew it up in a little bag, make it flat, and fold it in a handerchief (sic) and send it.”
After the end of the Civil War, Congress authorized a National Cemetery atop Maryes Heights in Fredericksburg. More than 15,000 Federal soldiers rest there, including three from the 28th Mass, one of which – Private Thomas Lynch, 33 of Boston – died from wounds received in the battle. Of the 15,000 plus, only the names of about 20% rest under a gravestone bearing their name and Regiment. To each one we pray the traditional Irish prayer “Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam” – “May his soul be at God’s right hand.”
Sources: Ryan “Campaigning” pg 88; Welsh “Irish Green & Union Blue” pgs 45-47; Corby “Memoirs” pg 135; and Connor/Mackowski “Seizing Destiny” pgs 2-3.
Wednesday, December 31st, 1862. Regimental Monthly Report: Field/Staff – 6/2; Co A – 2/42; Co B – 2/24; Co C – 1/40; Co D – 1/33; Co E – 1/32; Co F – 2/27; Co G – 1/35; Co H – 2/24; Co I – 2/33; Co K – 0/32
Total Present – 19/324. Total Present and absent – 31/688. gain – 12 Loss 62
Authors: This chapter of the Regiment’s history was written collaboratively by Paul Hanna and Jerry Lynes. Paul is the principal author of the sections from January – November 19th, 1862. Jerry is the principal author of the section from November 23rd to the end of the year. Many eyes assisted us with this work.